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41
Sakurayama,
Nakano, Takyo.
July 23rd, 1938.
Dear Rabindranath,
When I visited you at Shantiniketan a few years ago, you were
troubled with the Ethiopian question, and vehemently condemned
Italy. Retiring into your guest chamber that night, I wondered
whether you would say the same thing on Japan, if she were
equally situated like Italy. I perfectly agreed with your
opinion and admired your courage of speaking, when in Tokyo,
1916, you censured the westernization of Japan from a public
platform. Not answering back to your words, the intellectual
people of my country were conscious of its possible consequence,
for, not only staying as an unpleasant spectacle, the westernization
had every chance for becoming anything awful.
But if you take the present war in China for the criminal
outcome of Japan’s surrender to the West, you are wrong,
because, not being a slaughtering madness, it is, I believe,
the inevitable means, terrible it is though, for establishing
a new great world in the Asiatic continent, where the “principle
of live-and-let-live” has to be realized. Believe me,
it is the war of “Asia for Asia.” With a crusader’s
determination and with a sense of sacrifice that belongs to
a martyr, our young soldiers go to be front. Their minds are
light and happy, the war is not for conquest, but the correction
of mistaken idea of China, I mean Kuomingtung government,
and for uplifting her simple and ignorant masses to better
life and wisdom. Borrowing from other countries neither money
nor blood, Japan is undertaking this tremendous work single-handed
and alone. I do not know why we cannot be praised by your
countrymen. But we are terribly blamed by them, as it seems,
for our heroism and aim.
Sometime ago the Chinese army, defeated in Huntung province
by Hwangho River, had cut from desperate madness several places
of the river bank; not keeping in check the advancing Japanese
army, it only made thirty hundred thousand people drown in
the flood and one hundred thousand village houses destroyed.
Defending the welfare of its own kinsmen or killing them,
-- which is the object of the Chinese army, I wonder? It is
strange that such an atrocious inhuman conduct ever known
in the world history did not become in the west a target of
condemnation. Oh where are your humanitarians who profess
to be a guardian of humanity? Are they deaf and blind? Besides
the Chinese soldiers, miserably paid and poorly clothed, are
a habitual criminal of robbery, and then an everlasting menace
to the honest hard-working people who cling to the ground.
Therefore the Japanese soldiers are followed by them with
the paper flags of the Rising Sun in their hands ; to a soldierly
work we have to add one more endeavour in the relief work
of them. You can imagine how expensive is this war for Japan.
Putting expenditure out of the question, we are determined
to use up our last cent for the final victory that would ensure
in the future a great peace of many hundred years.
I received the other day a letter from my western friend,
denouncing the world that went to Hell. I replied him, saying
: “Oh my friend, you should cover your ears, when a
war bugle rings too wild. Shut your eyes against a picture
of your martial cousins becoming a fish salad ! Be patient,
my friend, for a war is only spasmodic matter that cannot
last long, but will adjust one’s condition better in
the end. You are a coward if you are afraid of it. Nothing
worthy will be done unless you pass through a severe trial.
And the peace that follows after a war is most important.”
For this peace we Japanese are ready to exhaust our resources
of money and blood.
Today we are called under the flag of “Service-making,”
each person of the country doing his own bit for the realization
of idealism. There was no time as today in the whole historyM
of Japan, when all the people, from the Emperor to a rag-picker
in the street, consolidated together with one mind. And there
is no more foolish supposition as that our financial bankruptey
is a thing settled if the war drags on. Since the best part
of the Chinese continent is already with us in friendly terms,
we are not fighting with the whole of China. Our enemy is
only the Kuomingtung government, a miserable puppet of the
west. If Chiang Kai-shek wishes a long war, we are quite ready
for it. Five years ? Ten years ? Twenty years? As long as
he desires, my friend. Now one years has passed since the
first bullet was exchanged between China and Japan ; but with
a fresh mind as if it sees that the war has just begun, we
are now looking the event in the face. After the fall of Hankow,
the Kuomingtung government will retire to a remote place of
her country; but until the western countries change their
attitude towards China, we will keep up fighting with fists
or wisdom.
The Japanese poverty is widely advertised in the west, though
I do not know how it was started. Japan is poor beyond doubt,
-- well, according to the measure you wish to apply to. But
I thing that the Japanese poverty is a fabricated story as
much as richness of China. There is no country in the world
like Japan, where money is equally divided among the people.
Supposing that we are poor, I will say that we are trained
to stand the pain of poverty. Japan is very strong in adversity.
But you will be surprised to know that the postal saving of
people comes up now to five thousand million yen, responding
to the government’s propaganda of economy. For going
on, surmounting every difficulty that the war brings in, we
are saving every cent and even making good use of waste scraps.
Since the war began, we grew spiritually strong and true ten
times more than before. There is nothing hard to accomplish
to a young man. Yes, Japan is the land of young men. According
to nature’s law, the old has to retire while the young
advances. Behold, the sun is arising, be gone all the sickly
bats and dirty vermins ! Cursed be one’s intrigue and
empty pride that sin against nature’s rule and justice.
China could very well avoid the war, of course, if Chiang
Kai-shek was more sensible with insight. Listening to an irresponsible
third party of the west a long way off, thinking too highly
of his own strength, he turned at last his own country, as
she is today, into a ruined desert to which fifty years would
not be enough for recovery. He never happened to think for
a moment that the friendship of western countries was but
a trick of their monetary interest itself in his country.
And it is too late now for Chiang to reproach them for the
faithlessness of their words of promise.
For a long time we had been watching with doubt at Chiang’s
program, the consolidation of the country, because the Chinese
history had no period when the country was unified in the
real meaning, and the subjugation of various war-lords under
his flag was nothing. Until all the people took an oath of
co-operation with him, we thought, his program was no more
than a table talk. Being hasty and thoughtless, Chiang began
to popularize the anti-Japanese movement among the students
who were pigmy politicians in some meaning because he deemed
it to be a method for the speedy realization of his program;
but he never thought that he was erring from the Oriental
ethics that preached on one’s friendship with the neighbours.
Seeing that his propagation had too great effect on his young
followers, he had no way to keep in check their wild jingoism,
and them finally made his country roll down along the slope
of destruction. Chiang is a living example who sold his country
to the west for nothing, and smashed his skin with the crime
of westernization. Dear Rabindranath, what will you say about
this Chiang Kai-shek?
Dear poet, today we have to turn our deaf ears towards a lesson
of freedom that may come from America, because the people
there already ceased to practice it. The ledgerbook diplomacy
of England is too well known through the world. I am old enough
to know from experience that no more worse than others. Though
I admit that Japan is today ruled by militarism, natural to
the actual condition of the country, I am glad that enough
freedom of speaking and acting is allowed to one like myself.
Japan is fairly liberal in spite of the war time. So I can
say without fear to be locked up that those service-crazy
people are drunken, and that a thing in the world, great and
ture, because of its connection with the future, only comes
from one who hates to be a common human unit, stepping aside
so that he can unite himself with Eternity. I believe that
such a one who withdraws into a snail’s shell for the
quest of life’s hopeful future, will be in the end a
true patriot, worthy of his own nation. Therefore I am able
to disgrace the name of poet, and to try to live up to the
words of Browning who made the Grammmarian exclain:
“Leave Now for dogs and apeas! Man has Forever”.
Yours very sincerely,
Yone Noguchi.
“Uttarayan,”
Santimiketan,Bengal.
Sepember 1, 1938.
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Dear
Noguchi,
I am profoundly surprised by the letter that you have written
to me: neither its temper nor its contents harmonise with
the spirit of Japan which I learnt to admire in your writings
and came to love through my personal contacts with you.Its
is sad to think that the passion of collective militarism
may on occasion helplessly overwhelm even the creative artist,
that genuine intellectual power should be led to offer its
dignity and truth to be sacrificed at the shrine of the dark
gods of war.
You seem to agree with me in your condemnation of the massacre
of Ethiopia by Fascrist Italy but you would reserve the murderous
attack on Chinese millions for judgment under a different
category. But surely judgments are based on principle, and
no amount of special pleading can changethe fact that in launching
a ravening war on Chinese himanity, with all the deadly methods
learnt from the West, Japan is infringing every moral principle
on which civilisation is based. You claim that Japan’s
situation was unique, forgetting that military situations
are always unique, and that pious war-lords, convinced of
peculiarly individual justification for their atrocities have
never failed to arrange for special alliances with divinity
for anihilation and torture on a large scale.
Humanity, in spite of its many failures, has believed in a
fundamental moral structure of society. When you speak, therefore,
of “the inevitable means, terrible it is though, for
establishing a new great world in the Asiatic continent”
-- signifying, I suppose, the bombing on Chinese women and
children and the desecration of ancient temples and Universities
as a means of saving China for Asia--you are ascribing to
humanity a way of life which is not even inevitable among
the animals and would certainly not apply to the East, in
spite of her occasional aberrations. You are building your
conception of an Asia which would be raised on a tower of
skulls. I have, as you rightly point out, believed in the
message of Asia, but I never dreamt that this message could
be identified with deeds which brought exaltation to the heart
of Tamer Lane at his terrible efficiency in manslaughter.
When I protested against “Westernisation” in my
lectures in Japan, I contrasted the rapacious Imperialism
which some of the Nations of Europe were cultivating with
the ideal of perfection preached by Buddha and Christ, with
the great heritages of culture and good neighbourliness that
went to the making of Asiatic and other civilisations. I felt
it to be my duty to warn the land of Bushido, of great Art
and traditions of noble heroism, that this phase of scientific
savagery which victimised Western humanity and had led their
helpless masses to a moral cannibalism was never to be imitated
by a virile people who had entered upon a glorious renascence
and had every promise of a creative future before them. The
doctrine of “Asia for Asia” which you enunciate
in your letter, as an instrument of political blackmail, has
all the virtues of the lessor Europe which I repudiate and
nothing of the larger humanity that makes us one across the
barriers of political labels and divisions. I was amused to
read the recent statement of a Tokyo politician that the military
alliance of Japan with Italy and Germany was made for “highly
spiritual and moral reasons” and “had no materialistic
considerations behind them”. Quite so, What is not amusing
is that artists and thinkers should echo such remarkable sentiments
that translate military swagger into spiritual bravado. In
the West, even in the critical days of war-madness, there
is never any dearth of great spirits who can raise their voice
above the din of battle, and defy their own war-mongers in
the name of humanity. Such men have suffered, but never betrayed
the conscience of their peoples which they represented. Asia
will not be westernised if she can learn from such men : I
still believe that there are such souls in Japan though we
do not hear of them in those newspapers that are compelled
at the cost of their extinction to reproduce thier military
master’s voice.
“The betrayal of intellectuals” of which the great
French writer spoke after the European war, is a dangerous
symptom of our Age. You speak of the savings of the poor people
of Japan, their silent sacrifice and suffering and take pride
in betraying that this pathetic sacrifice is being exploited
for gun running and invasion of a neighbour’s hearth
and home, that human wealth of greatness is pillaged for inhuman
purposes. Propaganda, I know, has been reduced to a fine art,
and it is almost impossible for peoples in non-democratic
countries to resist hourly doses of poison, but one had imagined
that at least the men of intellect and imagination would themselves
retain their gift of independent judgment Evidently such is
not always the case ; behind sophisticated arguments seem
to lie a mentality of perverted nationalism which makes the
“intellectuals” of today to blustering about their
“ideologies” dragooning their own “masses”
into paths of dissolution. I have known your people and I
hate to believe that they could deliberately participate in
the organised drugging of Chinese men and women by opium and
heroin, but they do not know; in the meanwhile, representatives
of Japanese culture in China are busy practising their craft
on the multititudes caught in the grip of an organisation
of a wholesale human pollution. Proofs of such forcible drugging
in Manchukuo and China have been adduced by unimpeachable
authorities. But from Japan there has come no protest, not
even from her poets.
Holding such opinions as many of your intellectuals do, I
am not surprised that they are left “free” by
your Government to express themselves. I hope they enjoy their
freedom. Retiring from such freedom into “a snail’s
shell” in order to savour the bliss of meditation “on
life’s hopeful future”, appears to me to be an
unnecessary act, even though you advice Japanese artists to
do so by way of though you advice Japanese artists to do so
by way of change. I cannot accept such separation between
an artist’s function and his moral conscience. The luxury
of enjoying special favouritism by virtue of identity with
a Government which is engaged in demolition, in its neighbourhood,
of all salient bases of life, and of escaping, at the same
time, from any direct responsibility by a philosophy of escapism,
seems to me to be another authentic symptom of the modern
intellectual’s betrayal of humanity. Unfortunately the
rest of the world is almost cowardly in any adequate expression
of its judgment owing to ugly possibilities that it may be
hatching for its own future and those who are bent upon doing
mischief are left alone to defile their history and blacken
their reputation for all time to come. But such impunity in
the long run bodisaster, like unconsciousness of disease in
its painless progress of ravage.
I speak with utter sorrow for your people ; your letter has
hurt me to the depths of my being. I know that one day the
disillusionment of your people will be complete, and through
laborious centuries they will have to clear the debris of
their civilisation wrought to ruin by their own war-lords
run amok. The will realise that the aggressive was on China
is insignificant as compared to the destruction of the inner
spirit of chivalry of Japan which is proceeding with a ferocious
severity. China is unconquerable, her civilisation, under
the dauntless leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, is dis-playing
marvellous resources ; the desperate loyalty of her peoples,
united as never before, is creating a new age for that land.
Caught unprepared by a gigantic machinery of war, hurled upon
her peoples, China is holding her own no temporary defeats
can ever crush her fully aroused spirit. Faced by the borrowed
science of Japanese militarism which is crudely western in
character, China's stand reveals an inherently superior moral
stature. And today I understand more than ever before the
meaning of the enthusiasm with which the big-hearted Japanese
thinker Okakura assured me that China is great.
You do not realise that you are glorifying your neighbour
at your own cost. But these are considerations on another
plane : the sorrow remains that Japan, in the words of Madame
Chiang Kai-Shek which you must have read in the spectator,
is creating so many ghosts. Ghosts of immemorial works of
Chinese art, of irreplaceable Chinese institutions, of great
peace-loving communities drugged, tortured, and destroyed.
"Who will lay the ghosts ?" she asks. Japanese and
Chinese people, let us hope, will join hands together, in
True Asian humanity will be reborn. Poets will raise their
song and be unashamed, one believes, to declare their faith
again in a human destiny which cannot admit of a scientific
mass production of fratricide.
Yours
sincerely,
Rabindranath Tagore.
P.S. -- I find that you have already released your letter
to the Press ; I take it that you want me to publish my answer
in the same manner.
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41,
Sakurayama,
Nakano, Tokyo.
Oct. 2nd, 1988.
Dear Tagore,
Your eloquent letter, dated Sept. Ist. was duely* received.
I am glad that the letter inspired me to write you once more.
No one in Japan denies the greatness of China, -- I mean the
Chinese people. China of the olden times was great with philosophy,
literature and art, -- particularly in the T'ang dynasty.
Under Chinese influence Japan started to build up her own
civilization. But I do not know why we should not oppose to
the misguided government of China for the old debt we owe
her people. And nobody in Japan ever dreams that we can conquer
China. What Japan is doing in China, it is only, as I alreay
said, to correct the mistaken idea of Chiang Kai-shek; on
this object Japan in staking her all. If Chiang Kai-shek ;
on this object Japan is staking her hands for the future of
both the countries, China and Japan, the war will be stopped
to once.
I am glad that you still admire Kakuzo Okakura with enthusiasm
as a thinker. If he lives to-day, I believe that he will say
the same thing as I do. Betraying your trust, many Chinese
soldiers in the front surrender to our Japanese force, and
join with us in the cry, "Down with Chiang Kai-shek !"
Where is Chinese loyality to him?
Having no proper organ of expression, Japanese opinion is
published only seldom in the west ; and real fact is always
hidden and often comouflaged by cleverness of the Chinese
who are a born propagandist. They are strong in foreign languages,
and their tongues never fail. While the Japanese are always
reticent, evern when situation demands their explanation.
From the experiences of many centuries, the Chinese have cultivated
an art of speaking for they had been put under such a condition
that divided their country to various antagonistic divisions
; and being always encroached by the western countries, they
depended on diplomacy to turn a thing to their advantage.
Admitting that China completely defeated Japan in foreign
publicity, it is sad that she often goes too far and plays
trickery. For one instance I will call your attention to the
reproduced picture from a Chinese paper on page 247 of the
Modern Review for last August, as a living specimen of "Japanese
Atrocities in China : Execution of a Chinese Civilians."
So awful pictures they are -- awful enough to make ten thousand
enemies of Japan in a foreign country. But the pictures are
nothing but a Chinese invention, simple and plain, because
the people in the scenes are all Chinese, slaughterers and
all. Besides any one with commonsense would know, if he stops
for a moment, that it is impossible to take such a picture
as these at the front. Really I cannot understand how your
friend-editor of the modern Review happened to published them.
It is one's right to weave a dream at the distance, and to
create an object of sympathy at the expense of China. Believe
me that I am second to none in understanding the Chinese masses
who are patient and dilligent, clinging to the ground. But
it seems that you are not acquainted with the China of corruption
and bribery, and of war lords who put money in a foreign bank
when their country is at stake. So long as the country is
controlled by such polluted people, the Chinese have only
a little chance to create a new age in their land. They have
to learn first of all the meaning of honesty and sacrifice
before dreaming it. But for this new age in Asia, Japan is
engaging in the war, hoping to obtain a good result and mutual
benefit that follow the swords. We must have a neighbouring
country, strong and true, which is glad to co-operate with
us in our work of recons-tructing Asia in the new way. That
is only what we expect from China.
Japan's militarism is a tremendous affair no doubt. But if
you condemn Japan, because of it, you are failing to notice
that Chiang's China is a far more great military country than
Japan. China is now mobilizing seven or eight million soldiers
armed with European weapons. From cowardice or being ignorant
of the reason why they had to fight, the Chinese soldiers
are so unspirited in the front. But for this unavailability
you cannot foregive Chiang's militarism, if your denial is
absolute and true. For the last twenty years Chiang had been
trying to arm his country under the western advisers ; and
these western advisers were mostly from Italy and Germany,
the countries of which you are so impatient. And it should
be attributed to their advice that he started war ; though
it is too late to blame the countries that formally provided
him with military knowledge, it is never too late for him
to know that the western countries are not worthy of trust.
There is no country in the world, that comes to rescue the
other at her own expense. If you are a real sympathizer of
China, you should come along with your program with she had
to do, not passing idly with your condemnation of Japan's
militarism. And if you have to condemn militarism, that condemnation
should be equally divided between China and Japan.
It is true that when two quarrel, both are in the wrong. And
when fighting is over, both the parties will be put perhaps
in the mental situation of one who is crying over spilt milk.
War is situation of one who is crying over spilt milk. War
is atrocious, -- particularly when it is performed in a gigantic
way as in China today. I hope that you will let me apply your
accusation of Japanese atrocity to China, just as it is. Seeing
no atrocity in China, you are speaking about her as an innocent
country. I expected something impartial from a poet.
I have to think (sic) you that you called my attention to
the "Modern intellectual's betrayal of humanity,"
whatever it be. One can talk any amount of idealism, apart
from in reality, if he wishes, and take the pleasure of one
belonging to no country. But sharing patriotism equally with
the others, we are trying to acquit the duty of talk Heaven
when immediate matter of the earth is well arranged.
Supposing that we accept your advice to become a van-guard
of humanity according to your prescription, and supposing
that we leave China to her own will, and save ourselves from
being a "betrayal of the intellectuals," who will
promise us with the safety of Japanese spirit that we cultivated
with pairs of thousand years, under the threat of communism
across a fence? We don't want to barter our home land for
an empty name of intellectuals. No, you musn't talk nonsense
! God forbid !
Admitting, that militarism is criminal, I think that, if your
humanity makes life a mutilated mud-fish, its crime would
never be smaller than the other. I spent my whole life admiring
beauty and truth, with one hope to lift life to a dignity,
more vigorous and noble ; from this reason, I face in madness,
with three wild eyes, promised me with a forthcoming peace.
And also at Elephanta Island ; near Bombay, I learned from
the Three-headed Siva a lesson of destruction as inevitable
truth of life. Then I wrote :
"Thy slaughter's sword is never so unkind as it appears.
Creation is great, but destroying is still greater,
Because up from the ashes new Wonder take its flight."
But if you command me to obey the meekness of humanity under
all the circumstances, you are forgetting what your old Hindu
philosophy taught you. I say this not only for my purpose,
because such reflection is important for any country.
I wonder who reported to you that we are killing innocent
people and bombing on their unprotected towns. Far from it,
we are trying to do our best for helping them, because we
have so much to depend on them for co-operation in the future,
and because Bushido command us to limit purnishment to a thing
which only deserves it. It was an apt measure of our Japanese
soldiers that the famous cave temples of the 5th century in
North China were saved from savage repacity of the dereated
Shinese (sic) soldiers in fight. Except madame chiang with
frustrated brain, no one has seen the "ghosts of Chinese
institutions and art, destroyed". And if those institutions
and art, admitting that they are immemorial and irreplacable,
had been ever destroyed it is but the crazy work of Chinese
soldiers, because they want to leave a desert to Japan. You
ought to know better since you are acquainted with so many
Japanese, whether or not we are acquainted with so many Japanese,
whether or not we are qualified to do anything barbarous.
I believe that you are versed in Bushido. In olden time soldiery
was lifted in Japan to a status equally high as that of art
and morality. I have no doubt that our soldiers will not betray
and tradition. If there is difference in Japanese militarism
from that of the west, it is because the former is not without
moral element. Who only sees its destroying power is blind
to its other power in preservation. Its human aspect is never
known in the foreign countries, because they shut their eyes
toit. Japan is still an unknown existence in the west .Having
so many things to displease you, Japanese militarism has still
something that will please you if you come toknow more about
it. It is a excusable existence for the present condition
of Japan. But I will leave the full explanation of it to some
later occasion.
Believe me that I am never an eulogist of Japanese militarism,
because I have many differences with it. But I can not help
accepting as a Japanese what Japan is doing now under the
circumstances, because I see no other way to show our minds
to china. Of course when China stops fighting, and we receive
her friendly hands, neither grudge nor ill feeling will remain
in our minds. Perhaps with some sense of repentence, we will
then proceed together on the great work of reconstructing
the new world in Asia.
I often draw in my mind a possible man who can talk from a
high domain and act as a peace-maker. You might write General
Chiang, I hope, and tell him about the follishness of fighting
in the presence of a great work that is waiting. And I am
sorry that against the high-pitches nature of your letter,
mine is low-toned and faltering, because as a Japanese subject
I belong to one of the responsible parties of the conflict.
Finally one word more. What I fear most is the present atmosphere
in India, that tends to wilfully blacken Japan to alienate
her from your country. I have so many friends there, whose
beautiful nature does not harmonise with it. My last experiences
in your country taught me how to love and respect her. Besides
there are in Japan so many admirers of your countrymen with
your noble self as the first.
Yours
sincerely,
Yone
Noguchi.
"Uttarayana",
Santiniketan, Bengal.
October, 1938. |
Dear
Noguchi,
I thank you for taking the trouble to writer to me again.
I have also read with interest your letter addressed to the
Editor, Amrita Bazar Patrika, and published in that journal.*
It makes the meaning of your letter to me more clear.
*
The following is the text of the letter referred to :
"Dear
Editor,
Dr.
Tagore's reply to my letter was a disappointment, to use his
words, hurted me to the depths of my being. Now I am conscious
that language is an ineffective instrument to carry one's
real meaning. When I wanted an impartial criticism he gave
me something of prejudiced bravado under the beautiful name
of humanity. Just for a handful of dream, and for an intellectual's
ribbon to stick in his coat, he has lost a high office to
correct the mistaken idea of reality.
"It seems to us that when Dr. Tagore called the doctrine
of "Asia for Asia" a political blackmail, he relinquished
his patriotism to boast quiescence of a spiritual vagabond,
and wilfully supporting the Chinese side, is encouraging Soviet
Russia, not to mention the other western countries. I meant
my letter to him to be a plea for the understanding of Japan's
view-point which, in spite of its many failures, is honest.
I wonder whether it is a poet's privilege to give one whipping
before listening to him words. When I dwelled on the saving
of the people of Japan at the present time of conflict, he
denounced it as their government's exploitation "for
gun running and invasion of a neighbour's hearth and home."
But when he does not use the same language towards his friend
China his partiality is something moustrous. And I wonder
where is his former heart which made us Japanese love him
said lonour him. But still we are patient, believing that
he will come to senses and take a neutral dignity fitting
to a prophet who does not depart from fair judgment.
"Living in a country far from your country, I do not
know where Dr. Tagore's reply appeared in print. Believing
that you are known to his letter, I hope that you will see
way to print this letter of mine in your esteemed paper.
Yours sincerely
Yone Noguchi."
I am flattered that you still consider it worthwhile to take
such pains to convert me to your point of view, and I am really
sorry that I am unable to come to my senses, as yu have been
pleased to wish it. It seems to me that it is futile for either
of us to try to convince the other since your faith in the
infallible right of Japan to bully other Asiatic nations into
line with your Government's policy is not shared by me, and
my faith that patriotism which claims the right to bring to
the altar of its country who sacrifice of other people's rights
and happiness will endanger rather than strengthen the foundation
of any great civilization, is sneered at by you as the "quiescence
of a spiritual vagabond".
If you can convince the Chinese that your armies are bombing
their cities and rendering their woman and children homeless
beggars -- those of them that are not transformed into "multilated
mud-fish", to borrow one of your own phrases --, if you
can convince these victims that they are only being subjected
to a benevolent treatment which will in the end "save"
their nation, it will no longer be necessary for you to convince
us of your country's noble intentions. Your righteous indignation
against the "polluted people" who are burning their
own cities and art treasures (and presumably bombing their
own citizens) to malign your soldiers, reminds me of Napoleon's
noble wrath when he marched into a deserted Moscow and watched
its palaces in flames. I should have expected from you who
are a poet at least that much of imagination to feel, to what
inhuman despair a people must be reduced to willingly burn
their own handiwork of years', indeed centuries', labour.
And even as a good nationalist, do you seriously believe that
the mountain of bleeding corpses and the wilderness of bombed
and burnt cities that is every day widening between your two
countries, is making it easier for your two peoples to streatch
your hands ina clasp of ever-lasting good will ?
You complain that while the Chinese, being "dishonest",
are spreading their malicious propaganda, you people, being
"honest", are reticent. Do you not know, my friend,
that there is no propaganda like good and noble deeds, and
that if such deeds by yours, you need fear no "trickery"
of your victims? Nor need you fear the bogey of communism
if there is no exploitation of the poor among your own people
and the workers feel that they are justly treated.
I must thank you for explaining to me the meaning of our Indian
philosophy and of pointing out that the proper interpretation
of Kali and Shiva must compel our approval of Japan's "dance
of death" in China. I wish you had drawn a moral from
a religion more familiar to you and appealed to the Buddha
for your justification. But I forget that your priests and
artists have already made sure of that, for I saw in a recent
issue of "The Osaka Mainichi and The Tokyo Nichi Nichi"
(16th September, 1988) a picture of a new colossal image of
Buddha erected to bless the massacre of your neighbours.
You must forgive me if you words sound bitter. Believe me,
it is sorrow and shame, not anger, that prompt me to write
to you. I suffer intensely not only because the reports of
Chinese suffering batter against my heart, but because I can
no longer point out with pride the example of a great Japan.
It is true that there are no better standards prevalent anywhere
else and that the so-called civilized peoples of the West
are proving equally barbarous and even less "worthy of
trust." If you refer me to them, I have nothing to say.
What I should have liked is to be able to refer them to you.
I shall say nothing ofmy own people, for it is vain to boast
until one has succeeded in sustaining one's principles to
the end.
I am quite conscious of the honour you do me in asking me
to act as a peace-maker. Were it in any way possible for me
to bring you two peoples together and see you freed from this
death-struggle and pledged to the great common "work
of reconstructing the new world in Asia", I would regard
the sacrifice of my life in the cause a proud privilege. But
I have no power save that of moral persuasion, which you have
so eloquently ridiculed. You who want me to be impartial,
how can you expect me to appeal to Chiang Kai-Shek to give
up resisting until the aggressors have first given up their
aggression ? Do you know that last week when I received a
pressing invitation from an old friend of mine in Japan to
visit your country, I actually thought for a moment, follish
idealist as I am, that your people may really need my services
to minister to the bleeding heart of Asia and to help extract
from its riddled body the bullets of hatred ? I wrote to my
friend :
"Though the present state of my health is hardly favourable
for any strain of a long foreign journey, I shoudl seriously
consider your proposal if proper opportunity is given me to
carry out my own mission while there, which is to do my best
to establish a civilised relationship of national amity between
two great peoples of Asia who are entangled in a desolating
mutual destruction. But as I am doubtful whether the military
authorities of Japan, which seem bent upon devastating China
in order to gain their object, will allow me the freedom to
take my own course, I shall never forgive myself if I am tempted
for any reason whatever to pay a friendly visit to Japan just
at this unfortunate moment and thus cause a grave misunderstanding.
You know I have a genuine love for the Japanese people and
it is sure to hurt me too painfully to go and watch crowds
of them being transported by their rulers to a neighbouring
land to perpetrate acts of inhumanity which will brand their
name with a lasting stain in the history of Man."
After the letter was despatched came the news of the fall
of Canton and Hankow. The cripple, shorn of his power to strike,
may collapse, but to ask him to forget the memory of his mutilation
as easily as you want me to, I must expect him to be an angel.
Wishing you people whom I love, not success, but remorse,
Yours
sincerely,
Rabindranath
Tagore. |
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